Monday, 28 May 2012

Release Dr. Muhammad Qasim | A Prisoner Of The State

Dr. Muhammad Qasim: A mission, A vision 
HE IS DYING BEHIND THE BARS, DOES ANYONE CARE ??? 
Prisoner of State




Dr. Muhammad Qasim is set to complete 20 years of imprisonment in the month of June 2012. he was arrested in Feb 1993 for holding political views that are unacceptable to the establishment, he was released on bail by the TADA court Jammu in March 1999 and was rearrested in the same case in Feb 2000 on his return from UK after attending Kashmir conference there.


      Dr. Muhammad Qasim’s Health condition in prison:He has lost more than half his eye sight (-4.75 D) as he is regularly loosing his vision he has been advised Lasik by the doctors. He has been advised surgery by the orthopedist for his L4-L5 disc. He is regularly taking medicine for erosive duodenitis, chronic gastritis and intestinal ailment .Jail authorities never showed any concern for his ailments with the result his health is deteriorating with every passing day.

              JUDICIAL COURSE AND GOVERNMENT’S HARSH APPROACH:Dr. Muhammad Qasim was acquitted by the TADA court Jammu in July 2001.Government of India instead of releasing him booked him under the so called public safety act (PSA) and challenged his acquittal before the supreme court of India and the supreme court of India sentenced him along with two other persons for life.

Dr. Muhammad Qasim completed 14 years (mandatory period of life imprisonment) in Feb. 2008, accordingly state Review board recommended his release but politically biased government rejected review boards recommendations. It is the lone case in the history of lifers in Jammu and Kashmir where recommendations of the review board for the release of a lifer were rejected by the home department.

JK High court (SB) asked government you reconsider the review boards recommendations for Dr. Muhammad Qasim’s release with in 90 days in June 2010.Governmnet of India yet again showed her ruthless attitude and challenged the said order before the double bench of the JK high court. JK high court while setting aside the SB order adding that his case can be considered only after 20 years , made an important observation as under: 31:Irrespective of the provisions i.e. section 401 and 402 of the state code of criminal procedure, which corresponds to section 432 and 433 of the central code. The power of the executive is absolute and unfettered to remit sentence.(LPA No:120/2010)

Government of India did not give any head to this observation this , Dr. Muhammad Qasim remains in prison. You can do a lot!

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By becoming a member of this campaign all you have to do is to forward this brief profile of Dr. Muhhamad Qasim to all such organizations, Committees, Media men and individuals who are working for human rights and political prisoners, by doing this you are not supporting an individual but a just cause.


Wednesday, 16 May 2012

Geelani digs deep into his eventful past




Chairman of Hurriyat Conference (G) Syed Ali Shah Geelani talks about his family background, hardships he faced to attain education and his journey from a north Kashmir hamlet to Srinagar. In an exclusive interview to Greater Kashmir Senior Editor Javaid Malik, Geelani reveals how he first became a reporter then a teacher and a politician.
Q. TELL US SOMETHING ABOUT YOUR CHILDHOOD?
I was born in a small hamlet Khonus located on the border of Sopore and Bandipora in north Kashmir on 29, September 1929. I belong to a very humble background. My father used to work as a seasonal coolie and earn Rs 10 monthly. But during those days Rs 10 meant a lot. We had goats and hens in our home. Despite poverty we used to live a peaceful life. My father was uneducated but he wanted his children to get education.  He sent my elder brother Syed Meerak Shah Geelani to a Maktaba (religious school) at Hardshiva village in Sopore run by late Syed Sonaullah Shah. My elder brother got religious education there. Shah Sahib was an expert of Arabic language. We were three brothers and two sisters. My parents lost their first son soon after he was born. Otherwise we would have been six. 

Q. TELL US SOMETHING ABOUT YOUR SCHOOLING DAYS?
I got my initial education at Botengo primary school. We had to walk up three to four kilometers to reach from our village to Botengo. Our teacher was Pandit Nitayanad. He was a noble soul used to teach us with love and affection. Students used to give him one kg rice and eggs as fee. Master Nitayanand despite being a Pandit used to teach us Deeniyat (Islamaiyat) and other books. He knew Urdu, Arabic, Persian and other languages.  He was a very good teacher and used to love his students. Memories of old days are very sweet. No doubt there was lot of poverty but there was lot of love, affection and humility; people used to respect each other. There were no fights, no discrimination on the basis of caste, creed and colour. I have spent my childhood in a very peaceful environment. We were so poor that we couldn’t afford to buy the books. We used to depend upon on the books of our classmates. I secured third position in Primary school. There was no Middle School or High School nearby our village. I had to join a High School in Sopore to pursue my further studies.

Q. ANY INCIDENT OF HIGH SCHOOL WHICH YOU STILL REMEMBER?I got slapped twice when I was in my High School. Once I plucked a flower and I was punished. Second time I was slapped when I was in class VI. I was the monitor of my class.  Our form teacher late Habibullah Wani of Nadihal Bandipora went to principal’s office to discuss some issue. When he returned there was lot of noise in the classroom. He became very angry and slapped me saying, “You are the monitor of the class. It was your responsibility to maintain discipline.”  I still remember these two slaps. I used to get Rs 3 as scholarship in Sopore High School as I had secured third position in Primary school.

Q. WHERE DID YOU PURSUE YOUR HIGHER STUDIES?
My story is very heartrending. I have written about it in my autobiography Wular Kinarey. I had to cover 18 miles everyday to reach the school. I had to leave  very early. My elder sister got married in Dooru and I started staying in her house so that I am able to reach the school on time. Till VIIth standard I pursued my studies from Sopore High School. In class VIIth incident took place. Late Muhammad Din Fok from Lahore visited one of their relatives at Sempora late Ghulam Muhammad Khadim, he was also from Lahore. Late Mubarak Shah, elder brother-in-law of my sister, used to work in the Nursery of Khadim Sahib. One day Shah Sahib took me along where I met Muhammad Din Fok. After meeting me, Fok Sahib told Shah Sahib that  I am very sharp and he would take me along to Lahore and get me admitted in a good educational institute. He took me along but instead of sending me to some school he sent me to his elder daughter’s house at Muzang as a domestic help. I stayed there for one year and I just kept on weeping as I was in a shock. My brother-in-law, Abdul Aziz Shah was an employee of Women’s college Lahore. Even my elder brother got appointed in the same college and I returned to Sopore after both of them intervened. I took admission in Baba Yousuf School in Sopore but I couldn’t complete my education there. After sometime my elder brother Meerak Shah Sahib came home and took me along to Lahore. I again got chance to complete my studies in Lahore. First I tried to commit holy Quran to memory, but couldn’t do it fully. Then I got admission in Oriental Night College where I did my Adeeb-e-Alim. During daytime we used to get religious education and in night we used to attend the college. Most Kashmiri students used to go to Lahore to pursue their studies. It used to be the centre of education for Kashmiris. Hafizullah Shah, elder brother of the former DGP of JK Ghulam Hassan Shah, used to be in Lahore. I would stay with him there. He led the prayers in a Mohalla Geelania. I have stayed in a Masjid at Lal Kuan. In Lahore every Masjid those days was equipped to provide religious education to youth.

Q. WHEN YOU RETURNED FROM LAHORE DID YOU LOOK FOR A JOB?
Yes of course. Those days late Ghulam Ahmed Ashai was Inspector of schools. I would visit his office regularly. He provided me with a leave chance here and there. My uncle Syed Muhammad Yousuf Shah Geelani led prayers at Lam Reshipora near Bandipora. He is the only Imam in JK’s history who led the prayers at one place for 60-years. He was a very influential man. He took me to late Muhammad Anwar Khan. He (Khan) gave me a letter addressed to Moulana Masoodi, who was the general secretary of National Conference those days. He kept me with him at Mujahid Manzil in old city. Those days Moulana Masoodi used to look after Khidmat newspaper. He asked me to work as a reporter in Khidmat and it was my first full fledged job. In 1946 late Sheikh Sahib raised the slogan of “leave Kashmir” which led to government launching a crackdown on Mujahid Manzil and I had to return to Sopore.

Q. WHEN DID YOU RETURN TO SRINAGAR AGAIN?
Second time I returned to Mujhaid Manzil was in 1947. Moulana Masoodi had come to Handwara and from there he arrived at Watlab in Sopore.  Moulana Masoodi was wounded as his arm was bandaged. Those days I was heading a team of labourers who were constructing the Watlab road. I heard that Moulana Masoodi had come to Watlab. I went to see him. One Army officer and late Ghulam Mohidin Sofi were accompanying him.  When Moulana Masoodi was leaving I told him that I am jobless. He told me to come to Mujahid Manzil. I didn’t know how to reach Srinagar as there were no resources available with me to reach there. During winters many fishermen from Srinagar used to visit Wular for fishing.  I requested the fishermen to take me along to Srinagar and they readily agreed. I reached Mujahid Manzil and saw Moulana Masoodi sitting in the lawn.  He saw me and told me “you have come, ok stay back.” I stayed there for four years. I again pursued my studies. I enrolled myself in the University of Kashmir for the course of Adeeb-e-Fazil. In the first convocation of KU I got the degree of Adeeb-e-Fazil. After that I got the degree in Munshi Fazil, Urdu Honors and Persian Honors. I pursued my higher studies under the guidance of Moulana Masoodi.

Q. DID YOU GET A PERMANENT JOB AFTER GETTING THESE DEGREES?
Soon after I completed my studies, Moulana Masoodi told me to join Police Force but I told him that I am not interested in joining the belt force. Ghulam Rasool Danposh and Ghulam Hassan Shah, who later became DGP, also joined the Police Force during those days.
 One day Moulana Masoodi called the then Inspector of Schools Syed Tayib Shah to Mujahid Manzil and told him to get me appointed as a teacher. I was appointed as teacher in Pather Masjid Primary School and I got the order in Mujahid Manzil. For one year I worked as teacher in Pather Masjid Primary School. After one year I was transferred to Rainawari High School.  During those days Qari Saiffudin, who was associated with Jamaat-e-Islami, used to teach there. Through him I was introduced to Jamaat. From Rainawari High school I was transferred to Raghunath Mandir Middle School Kani Kadal. I stayed there for one year. I worked as a teacher in Srinagar for three years.

Q. YOU REVEALED THAT MOULANA MASOODI HELPED YOU COMPLETE YOUR STUDIES AND GET YOU A JOB. THEN WHY DIDN’T YOU JOIN NATIONAL CONFERENCE?
Moulana Masoodi never told me to join National Conference. He taught me and fulfilled my needs. He taught me like his son. When I was in Raghunath Mandir  Middle school I had brought the books for FA and I wanted to pursue English Honours, but unfortunately Moulana Masoodi’s father underwent an eye surgery and he went to attend him. Many Jamaat activists used to come to Mujahid Manzil to meet me. Late Mohiuddin Sofi and other NC members complained to Moulana Masoodi that Mujahid Manzil has become a den of Pakistanis (smiles). After that Moulana Masoodi asked then Inspector Schools late Noorudin Sahib to transfer me to Bomai Middle School close to my native village. It was a big set back for me as I couldn’t pursue my further studies.

Q. WAS MOULANA MASOODI YOUR ROLE MODEL?
I was very much impressed and inspired by the personality of Moulana Masoodi, his honesty, his simple way of living. He was very intelligent, dedicated, and a perfect gentleman. The biggest quality he possessed was that he used to live a very simple life. He was well educated, great scholar and a teacher.

Q. AFTER BOMAI MIDDLE SCHOOL WHAT WAS YOUR NEXT DESTINATION?
I worked in Bomai Middle School for four months. During those days there was an Intermediate College in Sopore. Late Jalaluddin Mufti used to be principal of that college. He knew me as he used to come to Mujahid Manzil. A vacancy of Urdu and Persian teacher fell vacant in the college. Mufti Sahib recommended my name  for the post and I was transferred to Intermediate College Sopore where I stayed for nearly six year. This period was very crucial for me as it gave me exposure. I used to address congregations in Masjids. During those days I was reading the literature of Jamaat-i-Islami and I used to convey it to my students in my lecturers. After six years I was transferred to Dangerpora High school.

Q. WHAT MADE YOU JOIN JAMAAT-I-ISLAMI?
I was inspired by Jamaat’s ideology and the principles of the party. I was made the basic member of Jamaat-e-Islami in 1952 when I was in Bomai. After I was transferred to Dangerpora I used to come to Sopore and address Friday congregations. Those days late Bakshi Ghulam Muhammad was heading the state. His local MLA late Abdul Gani Malik didn’t like my activities. My speeches about resolution of Kashmir issue and Islam made him uncomfortable. I was transferred to Nadihal Bandipora but I didn’t join my new place of posting. First I went on a long leave and then I resigned in 1959 and joined politics fully. When I was posted in Sopore I was made Amir-e- Halqa. After I joined  Jamaat fully I was made Amir-e-Zilla of Kupwara and Baramulla. I was arrested for the first time on August 28, 1962. I remained behind bars for 13 months on the charges of raising Kashmir issue. In 1964 I was made general secretary of Jamaat.

Q. TELL US SOMETHING ABOUT MOI-E-MUQADAS MOVEMENT?
Moi-e-Muqadas movement started on December 27, 1963. On that very day I was in Bandipora and I got a message there I rushed to Sopore as there was lot of tension in the town. People of minority community were shaken. The first thing I mentioned in my speech at Sopore was that we should follow the teachings of Hazrat Muhammad Prophet (SAW) and need to bear it in mind that we should not harm the minorities. It eased the tension in the town and provided confidence to members of the minority community.

Q. TELL US SOMETHING ABOUT YOUR ENCOUNTERS WITH LATE SHEIKH MUHAMMAD ABDULLAH?Late Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah along with his friends had come to see habitation around Wular. I was very young those days. One of our relatives late Abdul Ahad Shah was wearing a Kashmiri cap but it was  very dirty. He (Sheikh Sahab) told him if you don’t have soap you should still wash your cap. I still remember his words.  Next time I saw him was in Mujahid Manzil. Muhammad Hussain Chisti told me that a vacancy has fallen vacant in the Press and I should approach him (Sheikh Sahib). As soon as he saw me he asked me “Do you know English” I told him no. He said, “Leave then.”

Q. ANY SUCH INCIDENT, WHEN YOU CONFRONTED SHEIKH ABDULLAH?
In 1979 we had held a conference of Jamaat at Gol Bagh in Baramulla and passed a resolution that Kashmir is a disputed region and people should be given their right to self determination. Next day there was a board meeting in Baramulla and Sheikh Sahib in his inaugural speech said that some people hold conferences on the name of religion and pass resolutions that Kashmir is disputed. I was sitting in front of him. Soon after he finished his speech I took the mike to present my point of view. Mubarak Shah stood up and said it’s a board meeting we are not here to discuss politics. Shariefuddin Shariq and Ghulam Rasool Bahar stood up to oppose me, but Sheikh Sahib showed his magnanimity and asked them to sit down and let me speak. I spoke for more than one hour and he listened to me very patiently.

Q. TELL US SOMETHING ABOUT YOUR STINT AS AN MLA?
I contested first elections in 1971. It was parliamentary election. I was nominated by Jamaat to contest elections from Baramulla. We were winning but lot of rigging took place and we lost. Those elections were held during G M Sadiq’s regime. I was first time elected to Assembly in 1972.  After I was elected to Assembly I along with other Jamaat members staged a walkout on the very first day to protest against Governor not presenting his address in Urdu, the official language. We always used to oppose the bills brought to legalize liquor. On many occasions I was forcibly evicted from the Assembly.

Previously Published on Greater Kashmir

Thursday, 10 May 2012

Kashmir: The Untold Story of Indian Occupation


By Tara Dorabji
A few days before I left for India, American journalist, David Barsamian, was deported from New Delhi for his coverage of Kashmir. Barsamian reports for AlterNet one of the few national free speech radio outlets in the US. News reports quoted officials saying that his deportation resulted from his reporting on Kashmir during his 2009-10 trip to India, while on a tourist visa. If reporting the truth in Kashmir can get you deported, I was in danger.
On my first day in Srinagar, the local head of surveillance let me know he was fully aware of my arrival. It was a discreet enough interaction, but served its purpose: I was being watched. My threat? A pen and paper to record the stories of Kashmiris.
The silence of India’s occupation of Kashmir blankets the valley, like the morning smog obscures the Himalayan Mountains. There is a new face to the hundred-year-old struggle for Kashmiri sovereignty and independence. Sahil, age 12, lit up when I asked what his hope for Kashmir is. “I have a hope that there is a freedom in Kashmir.” Sahil’s father was disappeared in 2002. For nine years he and his mother have searched for his father, only his absence is present. Every day after school Sahil comes home to help his mother work—embroidering cloth to earn a few rupees.
The strong current of popular, nonviolent uprising for freedom continues to grow in Kashmir. It distinguishes itself from the armed rebellion of the early 90s, yet the demand is the same: liberation from occupation—the independence of Kashmir. Despite the Indian government’s own estimate of only 500-700 armed militants in the area, Kashmir remains the most densely militarized land on earth. There are approximately 700,000 Indian military and paramilitary in Kashmir, policing a population of 12.5 million.

Under the British partitioning of India in 1947, Kashmir joined India as a quasi-independent region. For a short time, Kashmiris enjoyed much self-rule, self-determination and indigenous leadership. Kashmir led the world in revolutionary land reform, implementing a broad redistribution of resources that created a population relatively equal in wealth. Was it that the Indian ruling elite feared that Kashmir would serve as a model for India? Could there have been a broad redistribution of resources in the subcontinent?
There are many interpretations of how the trust and relationship between Delhi and Srinagar eroded. The result was a deliberate stripping of Kashmiri independence, which on paper was protected under article 370 of the India constitution. While most of these rights have diminished, land protection in the valley is still observed and only Kashmiris can own land in the region. It is this provision that has prevented a complete repopulation of the area.
With the erosion of Kashmir’s autonomy, came the military repression and arguably an attempted genocide. From 1989 to 2011 there have been 8,000 documented disappearances and 70,000 deaths of Kashmiris resulting from the Indian occupation. Torture is rampant. Khurram Parvaiz, Liaison of the International People’s Tribunal on Human Rights and Justice in Indian-Administered Kashmir (IPTK), works documenting the cases of torture. “The most underreported phenomenon in Jammu and Kashmir is torture. If you go to any village hundreds of people in every village have been tortured, not just men, but women, children and old people as well.” Parvaiz was involved in documenting the torture of over 1,500 people who became impotent because their genitals were electrocuted. He goes on to explain that there have been hundreds of boys who were raped by soldiers. In one case the abuse by the army was caught on video, still there were no convictions. Parvaiz continued to describe another case of torture, “I have documented very horrible cases, but this is the most horrible.” The army kept a 60-year-old man in solitary confinement for one month. During that time, he wasn’t given anything to eat, but his own flesh. They cut the flesh from his body and served it to him. This was all he was given to eat for a month. Recounting the torture Parvaiz said, “This was something that shook me. We have hundreds of Guantanamo Bays here. Why is nobody talking about it?”
The torture and death can be buried no longer. In July 2011, the State Human Rights Commission of Jammu and Kashmir (SHRC) released a report documenting 2,156 unidentified bodies in 38 graveyards. The state report verified the findings of Buried Evidence, released in 2009 by Parvaiz’s group. Parvaiz explained how the findings were initially swept under the rug, “The government said that these unmarked graves are all of foreign militants and people need not worry about it.” There have been limited DNA tests on the remains. Parvaiz cited that DNA tests of 53 bodies identified that 49 were Kashmiri civilians, one was a Kashmiri combatant and three were unidentified.
Parvaiz said, “It is the right of the family to have the body. The government does not want to give these bodies to the families because there is something to hide. They are hiding the marks of torture.”

Kashmiri children grow up watching graveyards populate their villages. As people are buried, the community holds their story, the memory. Oral history is their biggest weapon against India’s brutal occupation. Even under occupation, the stories of the dead cannot be silenced.
The families of the disappeared continue to fight for the truth. Bilkeez Manzoor became a member of the Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons after her father disappeared in 2002. The army took him from their house in the middle of the night. They have not seen him since. Manzoor continues to fight for justice for her father and brought the case all the way to India’s supreme court. Manzoor recounted that she received threatening calls telling her not to continue with her case, “But I am not afraid. I thought I am strong; I should file this. I have never stopped.”
Manzoor explained her hopes for Kashmir. “I want independence. The armed forces, they destroy everyone’s lives through torture, through fake murders like disappearances. It is very horrible for us. When we have independence we’ll be free of this. With the independence of Kashmir, maybe the women will feel free.”

While the people of Kashmir resist occupation and struggle for freedom every day, their struggle is largely ignored by the international community. Khurram Parviz asked, “Why is the international community silent? The war which has been declared on the people of Jammu and Kashmir by the Indian state has been violent, has been brutal has matched all records of brutality around the world. What we have suffered in the last 20 years is no less than a war crime, yet there is silence by the international community.”
Looking at the high alpine lakes and valley surrounded by mountains, one cannot help, but think of Switzerland. With a population of 7.6 million people, Switzerland’s population is nearly half the size of Kashmir’s. Despite its small size, Switzerland spends about 1% of their GDP on military. If Switzerland can be independent, why not Kashmir?
Could the future independence of Kashmir be a headwaters in creating a new type of democracy? Perhaps if the nonviolent, popular movement of Kashmir is allowed self-determination a new brand of democracy will be born: a democracy that is not founded on control through military domination—one that does not wave the flag of democracy to cover up genocide.
Earlier Published on (C) Project Censored  

Saturday, 28 April 2012

Surveying the Kashmiri Mind


 



“Intelligence” wrote Harlan K. Ullman and James P. Wade in their book, which examined future security needs and strategies of United States, “Shock and Awe: Achieving Rapid Dominance”, “is comprised of five categories of knowledge and understanding: a society’s leadership; culture and values; the strategic, political, economic, and physical environment; military capabilities and orders of battle; and comprehensive battlefield information.” This book was written in 1996 and seven years later US invaded Iraq using ‘Shock and Awe’ method.
On February 11, ‘Institute of Research on Indian and International Studies’ released a report ‘Media impact on the Kashmiri youth’—a study done over a period of one and half year in Kashmir. The report based on ‘survey’ is first of its kind where the supposed preference of Kashmiri youth on media has been put on the record. The survey also puts on paper what the youth of Kashmir listens, reads and watches. The viewership data, readership of newspapers and listening habits have all been placed on the record. But this doesn’t make it special. What makes it worth consideration is the curbs in the grab of recommendations on the media and how to change the social milieu of Kashmiri youth.
The new recommendations have been put forward by the Indian academia, many of whom have written books claiming academic impartially while writing them. However, in case of Kashmir they have behaved as democratic dictators. Among the eight persons who have put forward these recommendations 5 are academia, while one is well known Indian journalist who specialises in pasting police FIRs on newspapers. The journalist has written sustained long pieces framing a particular community, most of whom were later acquainted by the Indian courts and compensated.

Viral Control
For changing or engineering or manufacturing (whatever lexicon one uses) Kashmiri mind these academia keenly listened to the youth with whom they had many deliberations since the summer of 2010 upto the winter of 2011. Starting with the internet, the IRIIS observes that pro freedom material or news going viral through Facebook, Youtube, Twitter and other websites should be countered as they feel that it effectively moulds more pro resistance youth. The IRIIS report claims that the presence of the pro Indian discussion forums will not be effective in changing Kashmiri mindset because the youth don’t participate in such groups. “What’s missing,” they tell the administrators, “in these discussions as indeed in the columns of local newspapers is writing based on hard empirical date and well-researched and well-grounded analysis that makes the youth rethink their positions or interrogate their given assumptions and fixed notions about Kashmir.” Since the start of 2008 mass protests against the Indian State, the tech savvy Kashmiri people have used the web forum to disseminate their voices across the connected world. The State responded by debarring the use of SMS and mobile services of pre paid phones in Kashmir. This made people more adamant and reaction came in the form of blogs, websites, pages on Kashmir, commenting on Kashmir related stories in international papers. Reporting for the ‘Time’ Magazine Jyoti Thottam wrote: “These young men are engaged in a 21st century form of protest. They form a rebellion collectively organized through Facebook, Twitter and YouTube” (Kashmir's New Warriors’ Aug. 30, 2010).
“This study recommends the proposition of creating a web-based knowledge bank on Kashmir,” reads the report of Ms Navnita, “in order to provide easy access to primary resources and data on Kashmir that highlights the multifaceted character of this conflict including strengths of India’s democratic principles, its focus on development priorities and governance practices.” This is in direct response that the viral information Kashmiris are providing to the web based world. “This should ideally become,” the report goes on further, “the single most important research tool for those seeking a first-hand understanding of the Kashmir issue.” It encourages bureaucrats, political figures and NGOs to be active on ‘social’ websites. By doing this they feel that the perception of youth can be changed.

‘Political Vocabulary’
In the name of media survey, the report is actually on how to control the mindset of youth and arrest their antagonism toward India. The report also mentions how to fill the Kashmir youth’s mouth with the ‘political vocabulary’ other than Azaadi. On a media tour to India’s capital, a journalist student, who claims his loyalty openly toward India, got dismayed when he along with 15 other journalism student of Kashmir University met Indian journalist Mr Sandeep Bamzai in his office. After hearing them and their thoughts, Mr Sandeep, wrote next day, “This new generation wants improvement in the physical infrastructure of the Valley, they want jobs and education.” (Daily Mail, 12th February 2012). The journalism student, who openly confesses his love for India, was enraged that on the same day he wrote in protest against it and negated that they talked about, infrastructure and jobs. Writing in response to Mr Bamzai’s write up the journalism student in his blogs says: “Being a part of the group of students who visited Mr. Sandeep Bamzai, I never expected our voices will be moulded for "Bijli, Sadaak and Paani" like petty things. We did talk about different issues surfacing Kashmir issue, our message was loud and clear, "Bijli, sadaak and paani” issues are beyond our comprehension. We want our basic right, the right to live with dignity” (Kashmir: A casualty of Misinterpretation http://wwwkashurjournalist.blogspot.in). He goes on further and writes that when Mr Bamzai asked their opinion about the solution: “Most said Azadi, one said Pakistan and one said autonomy. So tell Mr Bamzai where from this so called “Bijli, Sadaak and Paani” demand came from our lips,” writes he in his blog the link of which was posted under the write up of Mr Bamzai. This is the kind of political vocabulary that these academia advise newsmen, intellectuals, pro Indian politicians and NGOs to force into the lips of youth.
The group of academia wants to clone the ideas of pro Azaadi group and fill the vocabulary of the youth with their choicest words. Demilitarisation, removal of AFSPA, Human Rights Violation, Truth and Reconciliation, Conflict Resolution, are some of the common vocabulary that the New Delhi has successfully implanted in Kashmir. These demands/slogans are steep fall from the demands of complete secession. “For an Idea to become dominant,” notes Indian academia in the report, “at a certain point of time requires that the idea remains in the public imagination constantly and, is simultaneously transmitted through several channels.” Realising that every theory takes time she writes further: “Subtle, strategic, consistent engagement with the present discourse will make an incremental difference over a period of time. What is need therefore is a multi pronged approach involving stakeholders using diverse mediums for communicating and interacting with the youth.”
That is a direct hint that every medium including, web, educational institutes, offices, Masjids, bread shoppers will be used to disseminate disinformation and at the same time for espionage as well. “A security official, who had undergone a month’s counterterrorism training in Israel, told me,” wrote Manu Joseph in New York Times, “that the hotel (Vivanta by Taj) had its own intelligence gathering system, which includes using a network of local residents for information about anything unusual in their neighborhood. (Letter from India: Face of Hope Reflects Calm in Kashmir, Feb 29, 2012). Already the space of Kashmiri junk food makers, tea makers, has been occupied with design by Indian labourers who get less than Rs 50 wage per day in India. Here in Kashmir they earn a hefty sum. India has exported a huge chunk of its beggars to Kashmir. Because as a colonist it considers her beggars and rejected lot superior to Kashmiris. “To observe the life of the colonizer,” wrote Albert Memmi in his book ‘The colonizer and the colonized’, “is to discover rapidly that the daily humiliation of the colonized, his objective subjugation, are not merely economic. Even the poorest colonizer thought himself to be—and actually was—superior to the colonized.” Besides doing business one never knows what kind of espionage they do for troopers. According to the new census report of India Kashmir has a population of 12 million. This 12 million includes 7 hundred thousand Indian troops, about half a million Biharis including beggars. The State portrayed in the new census that there has been decrease in female population due to infanticide. Nowhere in Muslim world has it been reported or authenticated that there is female infanticide. However in Kashmir pro State supporters, writers and some journalist in their eagerness wrote large sermonic pieces where they demonised Kashmiris. They forgot in the process that there is a provision in Indian censuses where people are counted in the area where they are currently staying. Second historically the female population has mostly remained below male and then there also comes decadal fillip in play where the ratio sometimes swings in one or the others favour.

Controlling through Education
In fact Ms Navnita doesn’t shy away while writing, “It’s particularly important for the teachers and mentors to contextualize such debates (Azaadi) in the Rights discourse, broaden their horizon by understanding Kashmir with reference to developments in other parts of India and most importantly enhancing their critical faculties to enable them to independently think about such issues.” Every idea, slogan and talk connected with Azaadi, she wants to clone them in her model so that it becomes Babel where one does not understand the language of the other. The report even gives the State nod to go ahead in curbing whatever autonomy educational institutions have in Valley. That is one of the reasons that of late University teachers are being tutored to use the word ‘our country’ not India.
During the three year term of Prof Riyaz Punjab as the Vice Chancellor of Kashmir University, he made it mandatory to play Indian National anthem in the presence of Chief Minister, Governor and other high profile pro Indian ministers. During his term (2008-11) Prof Punjabi successfully co-opted many Jamaat-i-Islami cadres into out of turn top positions. Prof Punjabi inoculated Jamat cadres with the appetite of personal success. It helped him to manipulate them. He made it certain that while rest of the Kashmir is protesting University students are discouraged by those whose party supports the agitation against the State. The proctor and heads of various departments threatened scholars that they will be disqualified as research scholars if they persisted with protests against the killing of people. Prof Punjabi also started a trend to decorate Allama Iqbal Library of the University on the occasion of birthday of any Muslim saint. It is generally believed that the trend started in connivance with the Governor House in 2008. Prof Punjabi, although a mediocre academician, was mostly dotting on the front pages of ‘rabid anti Indian newspaper’. It was also in the tenure of Prof Punjabi that University gates were fortified the same way the Indian troops fortified their barracks when fidayeen attacked them. At every entry point in the university you are welcomed by the gunmen. Yet almost all newspapers ignore this. The newspapers of Valley also ignored the fact that Institute of Kashmir Studies, which is NGO, has been given space at the expense of University department. All the employees working there draw salaries from University. Many foreign scholars doing research there get scholarship from University chest. Even Indian President, Pratibha Singh Patel, came to inaugurate this NGO. Yet Prof Punjabi projected it as a University department.
On 23 Feb, 2012, a 35 member Thailand delegation visited Kashmir University. They were (de)briefed about the Kashmir by two Political Science teachers. There was no other teacher from any other faculty invited to brief them. During three hours of their interaction the two professors of Political Science made sure that they confuse the delegation about Kashmir. Listening keenly the Thai delegation asked them two questions: If Kashmir is conflict between India and Pakistan why don’t academia conduct surveys to find how many people are with India and Pakistan; other asked why has been university turned into army barrack and in this condition how is academic impartiality possible. Both the questions were circumvented. Thailand is an important country because a number of important talks on Kashmir have been and are being held in Bangkok. In the evening the PRO of University circulated the news that Vice Chancellor “informed them about various MOUs that University has signed with various institutions of learning across the globe.” A blatant lie. There is another lie in the statement: No learning institution across the globe has signed any MoU with Kashmir University. As usual the statement was never cross checked by the newspapers and was splashed prominently in the city pages. The expansion in education institutions also comes on the behest of Indian State. Souresh Roy and Amitabh Mattoo while writing on how to control the Kashmiri youth wrote that more education institutes should be opened. Because the State dictated education syllabi is the cheapest form of controlling the minds of any population. “The youth of the state can indeed become the state’s greatest strength, its soft power... The challenge now is to use this energy of the young Kashmiris to build peace.” (‘Considering Conditions in Kashmir’ http://hir.harvard.edu/india-in-transition/summer-of-discontent?page=0,2).

‘Pluralising Kashmir’
The group of academia has given tools to the State on how to confuse the mindset of Kashmiris. One of the tools is what they term as “pluralizing the discourse on Kashmir”. For the past 65 years Indians have tried to raise many imposter leaders in Kashmir who can confuse the ordinary masses about the choices. As per the 1947 partition plan, Kashmir has a chose of joining India or Pakistan. India, occupied the hub of Kashmir and since then refuses to go out. When the mass armed uprising started against India, the latter used the card of Independence to weave a large chunk of Kashmiri population away from the demand of merger with Pakistan. When the uprising was ruthless and brutally suppressed resulting in the killing of ninety thousand causalities, Indians brought up the land supposedly gifted by Pakistan to China. Then they raked up Gilgat and Baltistan. Added it with that Ladakh and Jammu don’t want to remain with Kashmir. Ladakh region constitutes only 2% population of the State and contrary to popular myth spread by Indian media and their actors it is not Buddhist majority region. Muslims enjoy number superiority in the region and Kargil district which is populated by most Muslims who profess the faith of Shia Muslims are increasingly adopting Kashmiri language and culture. On my two study visits to Kargil and Leh in 2007and 2009 I found that despite high concentration of Indian troops there, people don’t take, eat or share their food with the troops even when provided free or while working for them. There they now speak Kashmiri and try to identify with Kashmir. Despite economic blockade in 2008 Kashmiris refused to see Pandits and Dogras differently. In spite of attempts by Sangh Parivar to manhandle Kashmiri leadership the pro resistant groups have refused to issue provocative statements against minorities in Kashmir. Kashmir has negated ethnic divisions. Pandits are given special job package at the expense of Kashmiri Muslims. Yet there have been no protests and no one has raised any eyebrow with this discriminatory policy.
Taking the sample of one particular newspaper, whom the ex governor the Valley, Lt Gen (Retd) S K Sinha, called ‘rabid anti India newspaper’ (refer to the book ‘Warriors After War’ where Mr. Sinha repeats the same thing on P 130) which is now increasingly becoming pro establishment, the IRIIS while delineating its report says that the said newspaper reported the ‘development of India’ only 7 percent. Now the same newspaper is putting more Indian stuff on the front page and even on sports page. There is a famous saying in Kashmir that on Idd and Pakistan cricket Kashmiris across the board have no conflict. However, even the sports page gives now more coverage to Indian cricket team. The Indian academia team further tells how to engineer the youth by planting write ups and stories about the “historical solidarity between National Conference and the support it got from the Indian National Congress and land reforms.” Now for the past one year this has been going on in the local newspapers. Pre 1947 leaders who shared cordial relationship with New Delhi have been brought back into public discourse. Even the ratters have started to write again in the garb of new identity that is increasingly calling itself pro Kashmiri (After pro Pak, pro Independent and pro India). The ‘land to tiller’ reforms which was necessity at that time to arrest the attention of the people from demanding merging with Pakistan, the report says, must be talked.
The Indian State has long history of using academia and members of civil society for its own vested interest. It is suspected that the killing of Maoist leader Azad was orchestrated by using the Swami Agnivesh’s letter for talks (“THE THIRD LETTER: The Maoist and the undelivered missive. Azad’s death is no man’s peace”, Tehelka, July 17, 2010).

Youth moving toward Islam
The IRIIS report says that 61 percent of youth listen to religious sermons on their audio/ MP3 players. Keeping that thing in mind the State is aggressively propagating its own form of Islam in Kashmir which they label as Kashmiriyat. On March 3, 2012, one such function was held in the University auditorium where a top official of the University was the chief guest. The idea is to create fissures among the youth so that they fight together in the name of sectarianism. So far the youth have shown tremendous maturity in resisting such temptations. That is why Islamist youth have inhibition toward the traditionalists. Because they feel these traditionalists in the name of synecretic ways encourage divisions in the society. They vehemently oppose the exercise of going to shrines and hospices. While for a State these are not only important in terms of revenue but controlling the minds of people. Every place in Kashmir has at least one shrine. These dilapidated shrines are now being renovated and festivals are being organised at such places. The JKWAQF Board looking into these shrines never every discloses how much daily amount of money devotees pour in. There is no accountability where this money goes. Devotees thronging to these shrines never get wash rooms for ablution in good conditions. Yet going to shrines is now being aggressively projected as the bedrock of Kashmiri society. That is why of late in State owned Television going to shrines and hospices is being glamorised. The State as such sides with traditionalists because of obvious reasons.
Every since the hundred thousand Hindus of Kashmir left Valley the State has tried many time to create sectarian rift. No Indian news channel, newspaper or newsmagazine will print or beam Kashmir without bringing in the Hindu element. Officially it has been confirmed that 219 Hindus got killed during the past 22 years of armed resistance against India. And all those Hindus who voluntarily left or were forced to migrate no one occupied their property. In the Indian State of Gujarat, during the March 2002 pogrom against Muslims around 2000 of them were killed. Women were gang rapped, property was destroyed and thousands of Muslims were displaced from their homeland. After 10 years Muslims are still not able to come back. Their properties have been occupied without being given a single penny. A Muslim cannot sell his property to non Muslim. Those who came back were settled in secluded places which the State turned into slums. Yet hardly any newsmen in India talk of them. All they talk of Gujarat is that post pogrom the state has become most developed and least corrupt. So the blame of non development and corruption lays squarely on Muslims which the state gleaned after 2002 persecution.
On Jan 20, 2012 a tedious piece got splashed on the entire City Page of ‘Greater Kashmir’ newspaper on reported conversion of Muslim youth toward Christianity. In a very bad piece of reporting the reporter flaying every journalism rules not all character assassinated the father of the church but his daughter and family as well. Strangely it never trespassed the reporters mind that why would any religion make its followers drug addicts and sex maniacs. There was no defamation case against the reporter. The State sponsored civil society didn’t register any protest against such insidious reportage. The State wants to give impression to the outside world that Kashmiris are beastly people who must be controlled. Left open they will devour anyone who is not in sync with them. Any outsider who had had gone through that stupid piece of reporting will only pity on the people who allowed it to be published in first place.
Now they are putting words in the heads of turncoat journalists and self styled civil society (mostly retired government officials or writers and poets looking for awards and perks from the State), that secession is not internationally accepted. You cannot be Muslim and secessionist at the same time, these Indian academia retort. A Muslim majority State is branded communal when it fights for its legal independence as promised by Indian’s first Prime Minister and as recorded in the files of UNO. From the past three decades Kashmiris have been hearing that their struggle is ‘communal’ while the ‘World’ is ‘secular’. However, this garb of secularity from the ‘World’ was ripped off with bans on veils and minarets. Partition of Sudan on the basis of religion with active support from the ‘Secular first world’ has made it clear that there are now emerging two poles—Muslim versus Non Muslims. Earlier playing the card of communalism and secularism had its desired affect when Westerners also tended to view it in that prism but now with increasingly ‘Pax Muslimana’ gaining currency Kashmir is suddenly becoming a part of leverage for “World Community”.

Calling Pro Indian parties to unite
Interestingly the report calls upon pro Indian politicians, MLAs, civil society, sarpanchs to organise seminars, rallies, protest marches in connivance with each other just like PDP government did when it encouraged everyone from sweeper to teachers to come on the streets to show that Kashmir is not all about secession. Every now and then people of Kashmir are denied their basic amenities like water, electricity, roads and in the winters even the food on streets, kerosene in Public Distribution Centres vanishes. The State makes people to protest on everything in Kashmir which serves them the larger interest of branding Kashmiris as habitual protestors. “When you don’t have electricity you shout Azadi. This is not new,” the incumbent Chief Minister told the Indian newsmagazine Outlook in 2010. “I remember, in my childhood, when electricity went during a popular TV serial, people represented to a UN office here. That is the dichotomy in our system.” (“I’m Here. I Haven’t Run Away. I’m Ready To Admit Mistakes” Outlook India July 17, 2010).
The report advises pro Indian actors to stay connected with each other and work toward integrating Kashmiri youth into the interests of India. “The biggest challenge facing the government and the political and civil society of Jammu & Kashmir is not only to change the perceptions of the youth but also to bring about their participation in the mainstream politics and, socio-economic development of the state,” writes she.
For those youth who follow the masses (read join mass protests or pelt stones on troopers) the report recommends of absorbing them into corporate sector. This is in continuance with the policy of recruiting Kashmiri youth into highly pressured jobs of low incomes. In the year 2011, the Indian State unabashedly paraded the youth of Kashmir who had been co-opted into 100 US dollar per month jobs in the auditorium of Kashmir University. It was made a grand event with various Indian Satellite news channels and newspapers thronging to the spot. The millions of rupees that the Indian State promised to Kashmiris were given to the Indian companies for training the youth of Kashmir. Paulo Freire has aptly summed up this situation: “They feel that the ignorance of the people is so complete that they are unfit for anything except to receive the teachings of the professionals.” The opening up of coffee shops, marts and other branded companies are coming up at the insistence of the Government of India. The Kashmiri youth employed there are given meager salary as per the colonial rules. The opening up of business house is to bring pressure on pro resistance leaders not to call strikes or protests against the State atrocities.
On page 28 titled “Transforming the social milieu of the youth”, the Delhi University Professor writes: “The Ministry of Youth, Culture and Sports should promote sports among the Kashmiri youth by setting up sports academies, promoting Cricket Leagues that already exists along with Basketball and Rugby Leagues,” it orders the pro Indian government of Kashmir, “making the old indoor stadiums functional by providing new equipment and constructing more such stadiums.” Throughout the whole report it is clear that they want conflict stabilisation and management. Interestingly Indian troops have been carrying on such activities for the past one decade under the name of “Op Sadabhavana”. Now they want plain clothe intelligence officers to do it.

Arrest anyone who does investigative story
One of the horrific suggestions they have put before the State administration in Kashmir is to arrest any “specific individuals are found to be resorting to hate-speech or hacking the government websites”. So it effectively means that if a journalist does investigative story which exposes murder by troops and next day people come on the street protesting against it, the journalist can be booked and locked up in the jail. Can these academia put up the same suggestions to Indian media? They would be gulped down, and rightly so. This report puts a large question on the independence of Indian academia.
Taking cue from this report the State owned DD Kashir and Radio Kashmir have started to beam news about the world. Regional news meant to highlight the day to day happenings of the locals is increasingly beaming news from the world. The newspapers of the Valley are also doing it. The front page of newspapers would early never give coverage to the happenings of India now they have started it. All this is to make the ‘inward’ looking Kashmiris to have ‘world perspective’. That perspective will of course be dictated by New Delhi. Having an inward look is a virtue which cures men from many diseases. It is this inward looking nature of youth in Valley that is causing strong tides. It is this inward looking nature of Kashmiris that makes them to question the traditional leadership, their modes of leading and earning. India does not want to have such inward looking generations who will question the leaders of resistance with whom the colonists powers have developed a certain understanding on Kashmir conflict.
These intellectuals or antillectuals go on further and advice government to form a regulatory mechanism for the media in Kashmir. While they advocate ‘free hand’ but in the same league threaten media to ‘compliance’ or face the government music. Kashmir media has already been put under intense scrutiny and pressure by the State. The State has planted number of its men in key positions as well so that the news is distilled. Now with this report whatever neutrality or independence academic and media institutes had, that will get evaporated.
Edited April 25, 2012: It was incorrectly mentioned that Prof Riyaz Punjabi has removed Urdu from the emblem of University where as the fact is that Urdu has never been on the emblem. The early sentence read: “During the three year term of Prof Riyaz Punjab as the Vice Chancellor of Kashmir University, he removed the Urdu language from the emblem of University (Urdu is the national language of Kashmir)”
Edited April 25, 2012: The sentence which now read as “On March 3, 2012, one such function was held in the University auditorium where a top official of the University was the chief guest” was earlier published as “On March 3, 2012, one such function was held in the University auditorium where a top official of the University, who happens to be high profile Jamat cadre as well, was the chief guest”



(Inam ul Rehman is a journalist based in Kashmir. The views expressed by the author do not represent any institution)


Previously published on Kashmir Dispatch on 22.04.2012


Saturday, 21 April 2012


 


By Baba Umar
It was the morning of January 21, 1990. The sun came up without much sparkle but it shone on young Rauf’s face for the last time. For, by noon, he was lying on the ground in his favourite blue jacket and green shoes, his body pierced by a hail of troopers’ bullets.
And, two decades later, his family and those who saw him getting killed along with 52 other peaceful protesters in Kashmir’s first massacre since the armed rebellion broke out in 1989 against the Indian rule, try to look back on the event that gave birth to a generation of angry youngmen, a violent uprising and a separatist sentiment never seen before in Kashmir.
On that fateful morning, Abdur Rauf Wani (24) and his father G A Wani, a government employee, watched from the window a huge but peaceful procession passing through Maharaja Bazar, triggered by the news of molestation of women in the old city, strict curfews and restrictions. It was also just a day after New Delhi appointed Jagmohan as J-K Governor in a bid to control mass protests by Kashmiris.
In the street below, men in thousands raised their fists, with slogans ‘Hum Kya Chahte… Azadi’ (We Want Freedom) renting the air. Nothing unusual, as people had grown used to these reminders. But Rauf, unable to contain the surge of emotions within, turned to his father and what followed was a little “more unusual”. “Bauji, this’ll be now begairti (disgrace), should we not join now,” Zulehama Banday, Rauf’s older sister recalls his brother’s conversation with dad. The senior Wani looked back, waited for a moment and then nodded his head. “Should I go,” Rauf again insisted. “Yes,” his father replied.
Zulehama says it was the first time that the family had okayed Rouf’s request to join the peaceful protests. Rauf was soon away, smashing a flower vase in hurry. He stumbled but got up immediately. He performed ablutions, fixed the shoe laces, adjusted his jeans and slid both arms in the blue jacket that he had slung on his right shoulder till then.
Onto the road. “A neighbour tried to stop him but he wouldn’t,” recalls Zulehama, who by now had joined her father at the window to see Rauf disappear in a swarm of youngmen. The long strip of rally that begun from Jawahar Nagar and Ikhrajpora, Rajbagh to reach Budshah Chowk. Earlier proposed to stopover outside UNO at Sonawar, people in the front decided to drum up more support from inner city. The crowd swerved towards Maisuma that would lead demonstrators to inner city till it reached Gaw Kadal Bridge over the Jhelum.When the front-liners of crowd were halfway across the Gaw Kadal, the paramilitary Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) opened fire with automatic machine guns from three directions. In the next few minutes, the bridge with littered with corpses and blood. The first day of Governor Jagmohan’s rule would pass in the bloodshed.
Muhammad Altaf Qureshi (50) remembers how the march was stopped with automatic machine guns and how a fearless youngman braved bullets from an unremitting gun nozzle. “Without any provocation and warning, they fired on us,” he recalls. Qureshi, who was in the third row, says the sounds of unrelenting gunfire triggered a stampede on the wooden bridge. The charge pushed him on the deck and soon blood-stained bodies were dotting the spot. Whosoever tried to stand on his legs would be fired upon. In this melee of bullets and screams, Qureshi noticed a youngman getting up, pushing aside with his hands both the dead and alive. “A trooper was showering bullets from a short distance and this youngman shielded people by blocking troopers’ view,” Qureshi recalls. “He took all the bullets on his chest.” The youngster was none other than Rauf. Troopers with faces masked had emptied their carbines by puncturing Rauf’s abdomen and chest. The act of bravery saved scores from getting killed. Rauf finally collapsed, his face upwards; blood painting his blue jacket and green shoes with red. Qureshi watched silently. He was motionless.
The crowd had dispersed. ‘Mayhem’, ‘Massacre’, ‘God’ were the cries he heard from the receding crowd. On the bridge, troops were leaping on the corpses, kicking survivors and finishing them off. Qureshi pretended dead, hiding his face under someone’s blood-splattered torso. “I preferred to lie with the bodies, knowing for sure I will be shot if I stirred. I closed my eyes and remembered Allah and recited Kalima without letting a sound come out,” he recalls. Then the image of his three-month-old daughter flashed in his mind. He soon heard policemen speak in Kashmiri, shouting loud if someone was alive. “For a while I pretended dead,” he says. As if mere sack of flesh, blood and bones, the scene had deadened his body. He was picked up by a cop of J&K Police who inquired if he was alright. He saw policemen heave the bodies into a truck, over a tarpaulin and disappear from the spot. “I was taken to a nearby fire station, from where I called up my home. They were waiting for my corpse after a friend and survivor told them about the massacre,” recalls Qureshi.
The news travelled to home faster than the body of Rauf. Zulehama, the other siblings and father panicked. Rauf had wished martyrdom when a funeral procession passed by the family’s house months back. Zulehama watched their elder brother Parvez Wani readying for Police Control Room (PCR), Batamaloo, where the injured and dead were taken. At PCR gate Parvez struggled hard to enter the premises, as relatives of victims had already started to pour in.
Back home, Rauf’s father was restless. He had allowed his son join the peaceful march. A sense of guilt had overtaken him. Others in the family were crying and consoling each other, assuming Rauf might have swum the river below the wooden bridge. Or he must have stayed at someone’s house. “We were not sure, however,” Zulehama says. But at PCR, Parvez was face-to-face with reality: he was handed the bullet-ridden body of his brother. Thirty two holes, he counted, had punctured Rauf – the highest number of bullets fired on anyone in the rally. “And when the body reached our home…everyone……” Zulehama is unable to continue. It was not for the first time that he had risked his life to save others.
In 1984, Rauf risked his life to save a Sikh laborer who was shot on head while he was lacing his shoes in the street. Family members say that the labourer had cried for help, and when others in the neighbourhood shut their doors and windows, Rauf rushed out and took him to the nearby hospital. “He was 18 then,” Zulehama says. Three years later, in 1987, Rauf along with hundreds of youth was dragged to jail for supporting a political party Muslim United Front (MUF). Rauf was bundled into the notorious PAPA-2 interrogation chamber for 21 days.
Zulehama also remembers how young Rauf would shift a mound of sand outside a neighbour’s house making way for guests during a marriage. Rauf was laid to rest at a graveyard in Sarai Bala, besides Dastageer Sahib Shrine. Soon after, the family sold their property and moved to another locality. And in 2006, Rauf was posthumously honoured with Robert Thorpe award.
Zulehama knows police had registered a case which was, however, closed in 2005 and those involved in Kashmir’s first massacre were declared untraceable. But when I ask her what does she think and if she wants the case reopened, her silence is coupled with soaked eyes. For a moment she speaks nothing. Then she says: “Yes. It must be.” “When I think of my brother,” she says, “the thoughts are not just of the wonderful time we shared. It is of the brutal way in which he was killed, the irrationality of the act, and ultimately, the offenders and the Indian justice system.”